Commune of France
From Kaiserreich
| Line 111: | Line 111: | ||
=== The Army === | === The Army === | ||
| - | During the early years of the Commune, people's militia formed the bulk of the army as a professional army was seen as "anti-revolutionary" and "an enemy of the people's freedom". The Swiss Army was studied closely and the communes modelled their militia units on the basis of the Swiss cantonal troops. Weapons are kept in the central storage of the local commune (Délégation Générale pour l'Armement or the General Weaponry Delegation is responsible for the upkeep of these storages), where all members of the militia will gather should they be called to arms. Some communes (mainly the ones bordering Germany and Flanders) are recquired to keep their militias armed and ready at all times. This has led to the first standing army units being formed and trained in the border regions. The armoured reserve is stationed in Paris and is under the direct control of the Chef des Armées. | + | During the early years of the Commune, people's militia formed the bulk of the army as a professional army was seen as "anti-revolutionary" and "an enemy of the people's freedom". The Swiss Army was studied closely and the communes modelled their militia units on the basis of the Swiss cantonal troops. Weapons are kept in the central storage of the local commune (Délégation Générale pour l'Armement or the General Weaponry Delegation is responsible for the upkeep of these storages), where all members of the militia will gather should they be called to arms. Some communes (mainly the ones bordering Germany and Flanders) are recquired to keep their militias armed and ready at all times. This has led to the first standing army units being formed and trained in the border regions. The armoured reserve is stationed in Paris and is under the direct control of the Chef des Armées. The Armée de Terre has modern equipment and is largely motorized. However, organization and co-operation with other branches of the military is a problem. |
| + | |||
| + | === The Navy === | ||
| + | |||
| + | === The Air Force === | ||
== Foreign relations == | == Foreign relations == | ||
Revision as of 22:03, 22 November 2008
| ||||
| Motto Prolétaires de tous les pays, unissez-vous! (Workers of the world, unite!) | ||||
| Anthem L'Internationale | ||||
| ||||
| Official Language | French | |||
| Capital | Paris | |||
| Head of State | Sébastien Faure | |||
| Head of government | Marceau Pivert | |||
| Establishment - Proclaimation of the Federation of Communes | 22 June 1920 | |||
| Government | Socialist federal republic | |||
| Currency | Franc | |||
| Area | Less than 500.000 km² | |||
| Population | Around 40 million | |||
Commune of France, or officially Federation of Communes of France (in French: Fédération des Communes de France) is a country in Western Europe. It is bordered to the North by the English Channel; to the East by Flanders-Wallonia, Germany, Switzerland and [[Italian Federation; to the South by the Mediterannean Sea and Spain; and to the West by the Atlantic Ocean.
Commune of France is a socialist and syndicalist federal republic composed by the 36,000 communes of France, and ruled by a dual structure, the legislative powers going to the Bourse Générale du Travail (General Labor Council) and executive to the Comité de Salut Public (Commitee of Public Safety): it was proclaimed on June, 22 1920, after the French Civil War. The French government in exile, established in Northern Africa, refused to acknowledge the Commune as the righteous French government, and vice versa.
Contents |
History
The Third Republic ended in the way it began: defeated by German arms, and facing Communist Revolution at home. In the November of 1919 a revolutionary General Strike was called by the CGT, paralysing the country and causing the downfall of the bourgeois government. "The Party of Order" was not strong enough to put an end to the unrest and in the following months the "Establishment" were forced out of France by a coalition of leftist forces in a brief but brutal civil war. For the past 15 years the self styled "Commune of France" has united behind a common platform of Syndicalist-Socialist consensus, headed by the ruling Comité de Salut Public. However, by 1936 the consensus that was resolved to rebuild the shattered country and defend the fruits of revolution from foreign menace is deemed as outdated by many critics, and there is a growing call for more radical policies. France is increasingly confident in its security and in its mission, but the French revolutionary tradition is varied, and it is unclear precisely which strands shall become dominant in the years to come¦
The French syndicalist movement
Karl Marx, in his important pamphlet The Civil War in France, considered the 1871 Paris Commune as the prototype for a future revolutionnary insurrection, the form at last discovered for the emancipation of the proletariat. In fact, trigerred by the Parisians' resentment against the defeatist French government and after months of siege by the Prussian Army, the Paris Commune was something more of an utopic and enthusiastic socialist experiment, having short-lived and anecdotal followings in French provinces, and later smashed in a bloodbath by the legalist French army. The repression that followed decapitated for years the nascent French socialism, while the SPD in Germany was developing, as the Trade Unions in Britain: the remains are torn apart, between the Marxist-inspired Parti Ouvrier Français of Jules Guesde, and the rise of the French trade unions, encouraged by the successes of Fernand Peloutier's Fédération des Bourses du Travail. The French syndicalist movement is quickly overtaken by anarchist activists, after the repressive "lois scélérates" of 1894. In 1895, the Confédération Générale du Travail (General Confederation of Labour), vowing to be independant from every political formation, is founded at Limoges, an engagement that was renewed by the 1906 Charte d'Amiens, affirming the anarcho-syndicalist tendancy within the CGT, embodied by its vice-secretary Emile Pouget. Helped by the union of Guesde's revolutionnary followers and Jean Jaurès' social-democrats into the Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière (French Section of the Workers' International), the French left was coming to a prominent place, helped by his role in the Dreyfus affair, when the Weltkrieg broke out. First an outspoken pacifist, Jaurès was shot down by a nationalist activist four days before the French entry in the war. His successor, Léon Jouhaux, agreed to participate to the Union Sacrée government, followed by most of the SFIO leadership.
Dawn of the Third Republic
The French Civil War
Enforcement of the regime
Politics
|
Chairman of the Bourse Générale du Travail: Sébastien Faure (Anarchist, born 6 January 1858)
Chairman of the Comité de Salut Public: Marceau Pivert (Sorelian, born 2 October 1895)
Delegate to Foreign Affairs: Pierre Brossolette (Reformist, born 25 June 1903)
Delegate to Economic Affairs: Pierre Monatte (Sorelian, born 15 January 1881)
Delegate to Internal Security: Charles Rappoport (Sorelian, born 14 June 1865)
Director of Services de Renseignements Généraux: May Picqueray (Anarchist, born 8 July 1898)
Chief of the General Staff of the Communal Army: General Henri Rol-Tanguy (Syndicalist, born 12 June 1908)
Commander of Communal Ground Forces: General Jacques Doriot (Jacobin, born 26 September 1898)
Commander of Communal Navy: Marcel Déat (Jacobin, born 7 March 1894)
Commander of Communal Air Force: Antoine de Saint-Exupéry (Reformist, born 29 June 1900)
The revolution was initially sparked by the CGT, who declared a General Strike in the spring of 1919, hot on the heels of a second outbreak of mutiny in the French Army (the mutineers were protesting the Conservative call for a last-ditch counter-offensive following a string of severe French defeats during the German offensives of 1918). The CGT wanted to paralyse the nation, force the ruling Conservatives to step down and hand over power to the CGT's executive; the Comité de Salut Public, or CSP- which was led by the zealous anarchist Emile Pouget (co-author of the Amiens Chart in 1906, which defined the nature of anarcho-syndicalism). They were charged with the task of leading first the General Strike and then the establishment of a new government and constitution which would allow for a complete reconstruction of the French nation. They also had as an immediate aim to end "the abominable war" as soon as possible. In achieving these aims the Strike was initially unsuccessful, and the CGT was unable to seize power before the fall of Paris to German general Oskar von Hutier.
With the fall of Paris however the General Stike turned violent, as frustrated Unionists became desperate to end the war before the Germans were in a position to occupy the whole country. Skirmishes with police turned into riots across much of the country, and the government was forced to resign, marking the beginning of a transitory period between the Third Republic to the Fourth. This period was characterised by a dualistic power structure much like that of Russian between the revolutions of 1917 - on the one hand a Provisional Government made up of a coalition of Liberals and Socialists was established in the Parliament, and on the other the CGT claimed a "legitimate right to power" via their Trade Union structure and a new system of local councils. This uncertain situation continued across the summer of 1919 until things came to a head in the early autumn when the Provisional Government attempted to disarm and demobilise the French Army following the conclusion of a truce with the Germans. Fearing the Government was attempting to stifle the revolution (the Army was largely supportive of the Left) the Socialist Party began a boycott of the Parliament, and declared itself an ally of the CGT (they were followed by a number of more radical Liberals).
Following this decision the Bolshevik Jacobins declared the Provisional Government an enemy of the Proletariat, encouraging Party members to begin a policy of agitation in favour of a "great purge of France, to forever destroy her class enemies". Inspired by Lenin's revolutionaries and the outbreak of the Russian Civil War between the Reds and the Whites, gangs of working men and army units sympathetic to the Jacobin cause began to attack and loot the property of the aristocracy and upper middle classes - seizing land by force and holding the Establishment to account in revolutionary "courts". Although they wanted to put a stop to this policy (they had hoped to negotiate with the Provisional Government and include them negotiations for the new system), the CGT was unable to prevent the Jacobins from carrying out their attacks, or prevent an escalation of the crisis, as the Provisional government gathered together the "forces of reaction" to respond with force and attempt a counter-revolution.
Not wanting to see the revolution die, and simulatenously desiring to limit the influence of the Jacobins the CGT was left with no choice but to declare a "war on the Provisional Government and the forces of Counter-Revolution", and attempt to seize control of the entire country. Taking full control of Paris, they formally concluded peace with Germany in the winter 1919, accepting the annexation of the remnants of Lorraine, the legitimacy of the new state Flandern-Wallonien, and agreeing to pay a heavy burden of reparations. Following the conclusion of the truce with the Germans, the CGT began to draft a new constitutional setup together with the Socialists, Jacobins, radical Liberals and Anarchists. Meanwhile they had to fight the self-styled "Establishment" and "drive them into the sea", and try and prevent and limit the Jacobins' "hunt for the Bourgeoisie" - although theywere unable to disband the Jacobins (due to their image as an integral part of the revolution), they were able to largely limit their participation in arranging the constitutional setup of the new state (by making sure leading Jacobins were often engaged in the conduct of the war, the CGT were able to cultivate and protect their own image as the Revolutions' legitimate political leaders).
The "Commune of France" is primarily a Syndicalist construction, based around federated union organisations which emphasise worker control on an industry-by-industry basis. The CoF is in fact a federation of major cities, such as Paris, Lyon, Marseille, Bordeaux or Toulouse, each one ruled by a "Bourse du Travail" (labour council) which is directly elected by the citizens of the regional commune. The task of the Bourse du Travail is to manage the general affairs of local government, but also local military arrangements (in the form of the popular militia).
The Chairman of the Commune is directly elected by the citizens, and confirmed in their appointment by the Comité de Salut Public (rejection by the Comité demands a new election be held). The Chairman (currently the anarchist Sébastien Faure) is the Head of State, as well as leader of the Bourse Générale du Travail - which is a sort of Parliament representing the individual Communes that make up the adminstrative structure of Syndicalist France. The BGT is primarily responsible for forming a bridge between the national executive (Comité de Salut Public) and the local governments.
The CSP takes decisions at the national level, "uniting the efforts of the Communes", directing foreign affairs and organising the Garde Nationale (the professional element of the CoF's army), and is also elected by the general populace (on a positionary basis - although they must secure the support of a regional Bourse, via caucus, to make the short-list). The current Premier of the Comité de Salut Public is the syndicalist Marceau Pivert, who succeeded Pouget in 1931, following a turbulent election.
Whilst the Commune of France claims to be fully decentralized, and fully endorses free elections to both the BGT and local Bourses as fundamental to democracy, the fact is that the CGT holds a position so dominant that her rivals have not seriously been able to challenge her rule since the Fourth Republic's foundation (managing at best to put the CGT in the position of a minority government), and the CSP remains by far the most powerful institution in the country. However, the CGT is not of a uniform opinion, and is in fact divided into several "camps" of opinion.
The Sorelians take their name and some inspiration from the theories of French anarcho-syndicalist thinker Georges Sorel, and are the primary exponents of the current system (the "orthodoxy" of the CoF), whilst the Reformistes are defined by their pacifism and preference for a more social-democratic system focused around the BGT. The Réformistes (a minority in the CGT) feel that the CSP was neccessary only to ensure the successful establishment of the revolutionary state in it's transition from a capitalist to a syndicalist economy, and that the time has now come to hand national power from the CSP to the BGT. Since 1925 there has also emerged a powerful group known as Travailleurs (Workers), who are inspired by the British system. The Travailleurs specifically desire an extension of democracy by adopting many British constitutional arrangements, and though they have found strong allies in the Reformistes in their aim of reducing the CSP's power, they fundamentally disagree on the question of local government (as Socialists they would prefer the Bourses to be split from the Unions).
Outside the CGT remain the Jacobins (or Bolsheviks), inspired by Lenin's brand of Communism as well as French revolutionary history. They desire that their tightly knit and structured party rid France of it's anarchistic and syndicalist characteristics and form a "vanguard" to lead a Communist reconstruction. There is also an Anarchiste (or Anarchiste Pur (Pure Anarchist)) movement who take both inspiration and "leadership" from the exiled Ukrainean revolutionary Makhno. Often considered an eccentric element of French political life, the Anarchiste movement campaigns for greater regional freedom in the make-up and constitution of local government, and a drastic cut in the legislative role of the CSP. The Radical Liberals who boycotted Parliament with the Socialists in 1919 have largely been forced to emigrate as a result of persecution and victimisation lead by Jacobin extremists.
In 1936 elections are about to begin within the CSP and one third of the BGT - to elect for example the delegates for the army, foreign affairs, treasury, and of course the Premier. With Pivert considered "too weak" even by his own followers, the continuation of the CGT's political dominance can no longer be assured, and France looks to be standing at a crossroads.
Military
The Army
During the early years of the Commune, people's militia formed the bulk of the army as a professional army was seen as "anti-revolutionary" and "an enemy of the people's freedom". The Swiss Army was studied closely and the communes modelled their militia units on the basis of the Swiss cantonal troops. Weapons are kept in the central storage of the local commune (Délégation Générale pour l'Armement or the General Weaponry Delegation is responsible for the upkeep of these storages), where all members of the militia will gather should they be called to arms. Some communes (mainly the ones bordering Germany and Flanders) are recquired to keep their militias armed and ready at all times. This has led to the first standing army units being formed and trained in the border regions. The armoured reserve is stationed in Paris and is under the direct control of the Chef des Armées. The Armée de Terre has modern equipment and is largely motorized. However, organization and co-operation with other branches of the military is a problem.
