Armenian genocide

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Background Armenians in the Ottoman Empire · Armenian Question · Hamidian Massacres · Zeitun Resistance (1895) · 1896 Ottoman Bank Takeover · Yıldız Attempt · Adana Massacre · Young Turk Revolution The Genocide Armenian notables deported from the Ottoman capital · Tehcir Law · Armenian casualties of deportations · Ottoman Armenian casualties · Labour battalion

Major extermination centers: Bitlis · Deir ez-Zor · Diyarbakır · Erzurum · Kharput · Muş · Sivas · Trabzon

Resistance: Zeitun · Van · Musa Dagh · Urfa · Shabin-Karahisar · Armenian militia

Foreign aid and relief: Reactions · American Committee for Relief in the Near East

Responsible parties Young Turks: Talat · Enver · Djemal · Committee of Union and Progress · Teskilati Mahsusa · The Special Organization · Ottoman Army · Kurdish Irregulars · Topal Osman

Aftermath Courts-Martial · Operation Nemesis · Partitioning of the Ottoman Empire · Denial of the Genocide

This box: view • talk • edit The Armenian Genocide (Armenian: Հայոց Ցեղասպանութիւն ("Hayoc' c'ejaspanut'iwn"), Turkish: Ermeni Soykırımı) — also known as the Armenian Holocaust, Great Calamity (Մեծ Եղեռն "Mec Ejer'n" ) or the Armenian Massacre — refers to the slaughter[1] and fatal deportation of hundreds of thousands to over a million Armenians as well as intentional and irreversible ruination of their economic and cultural life environments during the government of the Young Turks from 1915 to 1917 in the Ottoman Empire. [2]

The Republic of Turkey rejects the notion that the event constitutes genocide, claiming rather that the Armenian deaths were a result of inter-ethnic strife, disease and famine during the turmoil of World War I. However, most Armenian, Russian and Western scholars, and a number of Turkish scholars believe that it was indeed the first major genocide of the 20th century,[3] or a campaign of state-sponsored ethnic cleansing and mass extermination. For example, some Western sources point to the sheer scale of the death toll as evidence for a systematic, organized plan to eliminate the Armenians. The event is also said to be the second-most studied case of genocide,[4] and often draws comparison with the Holocaust. To date twenty-one countries have officially recognized it as genocide.

Contents [hide] 1 Ottoman Armenian population 2 The status of the Ottoman Armenians 3 Before the war 4 Implementation of the Genocide 4.1 Planning 4.1.1 Legislation 4.2 April 24 4.3 The Special Organization (Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa) 4.4 Process and camps of deportation 4.5 Results of deportations 5 Foreign corroboration 5.1 The US mission in Ottoman Empire 5.2 Allied forces in the Middle East 5.3 The joint Austrian and German mission 5.4 The Russian military 6 1919-1920 Military tribunals 6.1 Domestic courts-martial 6.2 International trials 7 Casualties, 1914 to 1918 8 Influence on the Jewish Holocaust 9 The positions of Turkish people 9.1 Views of Turkish academic community and intellectuals 9.2 The position of the Turkish government 9.3 Hrant Dink 9.4 Orhan Pamuk 10 Academic views on the issue outside Turkey 10.1 Recognition of Genocide 10.2 Denial 11 The position of the international community 12 Impact on culture 12.1 Memorial 12.2 Art 13 See also 14 References 15 Links 16 Bibliography

Ottoman Armenian population Main article: Ottoman Armenian population According to sources, in 1914, before World War I, there were an estimated two million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. The vast majority of Armenians were of the Armenian Apostolic faith, though a significant minority belonged to the Armenian Catholic Church, and several very small religious groups were affiliated with Protestant denominations. While the Armenian population in Eastern Anatolia (also called Western Armenia) was large and clustered, there were large numbers of Armenians in the western part of the Ottoman Empire. Many lived in the capital city.

This article is part of the series on:

History of Armenia

Early History Haik Armens Hayasa-Azzi Nairi Kingdom of Urartu Kingdom of Armenia Orontid Armenia Artaxiad Dynasty Arsacid Dynasty Medieval History Marzpanate Period Byzantine Armenia Bagratuni Armenia Kingdom of Vaspurakan Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia Foreign Rule Persian Domination Ottoman Domination Russian Domination Hamidian Massacres Armenian Genocide Early Independence Democratic Republic of Armenia Soviet Armenia Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic Modern Armenia Republic of Armenia Topical Military history of Armenia Timeline of Armenian history This box: view • talk • edit

The status of the Ottoman Armenians Until the late 19th century, Armenians were referred to as millet-i sadıka (loyal nation) by the Ottomans.[5] Under the millet system of Ottoman law, Armenians (as dhimmis or recognized non-Muslims, along with Greeks, Jews and other ethnic and religious groups) were subject to separate laws from those that applied to Muslims. They had separate legal courts, although disputes involving a Muslim fell under the sharia-based laws. Armenians were exempt from serving in the military and were instead forced to pay an exemption tax, the jizya; their testimony in Islamic courts was inadmissible against Muslims; they were not allowed to bear arms, they were heavily taxed, and they were treated overall as second-class subjects.[6] Although the largest minority present in the Ottoman Empire, Armenians, being Christians, were in effect infidels in the eyes of Muslims, as described by British ethnographer William Ramsay:

“ Turkish rule...meant unutterable contempt...The Armenians (and the Greeks) were dogs and pigs...to be spat upon, if their shadow darkened a Turk, to be outraged, to be the mats on which he wiped the mud from his feet. Conceive the inevitable result of centuries of slavery, of subjection to insult and scorn, centuries in which nothing that belonged to the Armenian, neither his property, his house, his life, his person, nor his family, was sacred or safe from violence—capricious, unprovoked violence—to resist which by violence meant death.[7] ”

The long ruling Sultan Hamid suspended the constitution early in his reign (1876-1909) and ruled as he saw fit. Despite pressure brought to bear on the Sultan by major European countries to treat Christian minorities more gently, abuses increased.

After the Russian victory over the Ottoman Empire in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78, the Russians took control of a large swath of territory inhabited by Armenians but ceded much of it after signing the Treaty of Berlin. The Russians claimed they were the protectors of Christians within the Ottoman Empire. The weakening control of the Ottoman government over its empire during the following fifteen years led many Armenians to believe that they could gain independence.

Before the war For more details on this topic, see Young Turks, Young Turk Revolution, Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, Hamidian massacres. A minor Armenian unrest in Sasun was suppressed in 1894.[8] In what became known as the Hamidian massacres, an estimated over 80,000 Armenians (most figures range from 80,000 to 300,000) were killed in Ottoman pogroms and massacres between 1894 and 1897.[9]

Five years before World War I, the Ottoman Empire came under the control of the secular Young Turks. In an effort for constitutional reform, Abdul Hamid II was deposed and his younger brother Mehmed V was installed as a figurehead ruler. At first, some Armenian political organizations supported the Young Turks, in hopes that there would be a significant change for the better. Some Armenians were elected to the newly restored Ottoman Parliament, including Gabriel Noradoungian, who was elected by parliamentary members to briefly serve as the country's foreign minister.

However, from 1910-1912 the leadership of the Young Turks split into several parts lead by two main factions: one faction, known as the Liberal Union, remained committed to liberalizing the country and establishing equal status amongst all minorities and; the second faction, the Committee of Union and Progress, was more radical and racist in its views and was headed by a triumvirate: Ismail Enver, Mehmed Talat Pasha and Ahmed Djemal.[10] The CUP rejected the Liberal Union's ideals and assumed full leadership of the country after assassinating the Minister of War, Nazim Pasha, a Union member in January 1913.

Implementation of the Genocide

Planning In November 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the war on the side of the Central Powers when Ottoman gunboats attacked Russian naval bases and shipping in the Black Sea. In November 1914, Enver, now the Minister of War, launched a disastrous military campaign against Russian forces in the Caucasus in hopes of capturing Baku. Nearly 90% of the Ottoman IIIrd Army was destroyed by Russian forces in the Battle of Sarikamis and many more froze to death after Enver issued a retreat order in January 1915. Returning to Istanbul, Enver largely blamed the Armenians living in the region for actively siding with the Russians.[11] In 1914, the Ottoman Empire's War Office had already began a propaganda drive to present Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire as a liability and threat to the country's security. An Ottoman naval officer in the War Office described the planning:

“ In order to justify this enormous crime [of the Armenian Genocide] the requisite propaganda material was thoroughly prepared in Istanbul. [It included such statements as] "the Armenians are in league with the enemy. They will launch an uprising in Istanbul, kill off the Ittihadist leaders and will succeed in opening the straits [of the Dardanelles]." These vile and malicious incitements [were such, however, that they] could persuade only people who were not even able to feel the pangs of their own hunger.[12] ”

Legislation Further information: Tehcir Law

Mehmed Talat Pasha, one of the chief architects of the Armenian Genocide.In May 1915, Talaat requested that government's cabinet and grand vizier pass and enact a law which would legitimize the deportations of Armenians living both near the Russian front and interior. On May 29, 1915, the CUP Central Committee passed the Temporary Law of Deportation, giving the Ottoman government and military authorization to deport anyone it "sensed" as a threat to national security.[13] Several months later, the Temporary Law of Expropriation and Confiscation was passed, stating that all property, including land, livestock and homes, belonging to Armenians was to be confiscated by the authorities. Only one politician in the Ottoman parliament, Senator Ahmed Riza, a founder-member of the Liberal Union, protested against the legislation:

“ It is unlawful to designate the Armenian assets as “abandoned goods” for the Armenians, the proprietors, did not abandon their properties voluntarily; they were forcibly, compulsorily removed from their domiciles and exiled. Now the government through its efforts is selling their goods...Nobody can sell my property if I am unwilling to sell it....If we are a constitutional regime functioning in accordance with constitutional law we can’t do this. This is atrocious. Grab my arm, eject me from my village, then sell my goods and properties, such a thing can never be permissible. Neither the conscience of the Ottomans nor the law can allow it.[14] ”

At the same time, Enver ordered that all Armenians in the Ottoman forces, some as old as sixty, to be disarmed, demobilized and assigned to labor battalion units (in Turkish, amele taburlari). Many of the Armenian recruits were taken and executed by Turkish soldiers and armed squads known as chetes (groups whose roles were similar to Nazi Germany's Einsatzgruppen) in remote areas.[15] Those who initially survived were turned into road laborers (hamals) and construction mules, but were eventually killed thereafter.[16] The Ottoman government also created a bureaucratic administration divided into three levels that were permitted to act freely from the governing establishment, similar to the Sonderkommandos formed by the Nazis during World War II. They were the Katibi Mesul, "Responsible Secretaries", Murrahas, "Delegates" and Umumi Müfettish, "General Inspectors". The administration's purpose was to ensure that the orders by the government were "implemented strictly."[17]

In September 1895, the New York Times headlined a story as "Another Armenian Holocaust." During 1915, that paper published 145 articles about the mass murder of the Armenian people, describing the massacre as "systematic, "authorized" and "organized by the government." In 1918, Theodore Roosevelt called it "the greatest crime of the war." [18]

April 24

Armenian intellectuals were arrested and later executed en masse by Ottoman authorities on the night of April 24, 1915.In a swift move enacted by the Ottoman government, an estimated 250 Armenians from the intelligentsia were arrested on the night of April 24, 1915.[19]

The Special Organization (Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa) Further information: Teskilati Mahsusa and Special Organization (Ottoman Empire) While there was an official 'special organization' founded in December 1911 by the Ottoman government, a second organization that participated in what led to the destruction of the Ottoman Armenian community was founded by the lttihad ve Terraki.[citation needed] This organization technically appeared in July 1914 and was supposed to differ from the one already existing in one important point; mostly according to the military court, it was meant to be a "government in a government" (needing no orders to act).[citation needed]

Starving Armenian childrenLater in 1914, the Ottoman government decided to influence the direction the special organization was to take by releasing criminals from central prisons to be the central elements of this newly formed special organization.[citation needed] According to the Mazhar commissions attached to the tribunal as soon as November 1914, 124 criminals were released from Pimian prison. Many other releases followed; in Ankara a few months later, 49 criminals were released from its central prison.[citation needed] Little by little from the end of 1914 to the beginning of 1915, hundreds, then thousands of prisoners were freed to form the members of this organization. Later, they were charged to escort the convoys of Armenian deportees.[citation needed] Vehib, commander of the Ottoman Third Army, called those members of the special organization, the “butchers of the human species.”[citation needed]

The organization was led by the Central Committee Members Doctor Nazim, Behaeddin Sakir, Atif Riza, and former Director of Public Security Aziz Bey.[citation needed] The headquarters of Behaeddin Sakir were in Erzurum, from where he directed the forces of the Eastern vilayets. Aziz, Atif and Nazim Beys operated in Istanbul, and their decisions were approved and implemented by Cevat Bey, the Military Governor of Istanbul.[citation needed]

According to the military tribunals set up after the war and other records, the criminals were chosen by a process of selection.[citation needed] They had to be ruthless butchers to be selected as a member of the special organization.[citation needed] The Mazhar commission, during the military court, had provided some lists of those criminals.[citation needed] In one instance, of 65 criminals released, 50 were in prison for murder. Such a disproportionate ratio between those condemned for murder and others imprisoned for minor crimes is reported to have been generalized. This selection process of criminals was, according to some researchers in the field of comparative genocide studies, who specialize in the Armenian cases, clearly indicative of the government's intention to commit mass murder of its Armenian population.[citation needed]

Process and camps of deportation Many went to the Syrian town of Deir ez-Zor and the surrounding desert. The fact that the Turkish government ordered the evacuation of ethnic Armenians at this time is not in dispute. It is claimed, based on a good deal of anecdotal evidence, that the Ottoman government did not provide any facilities or supplies to care for the Armenians during their deportation, nor when they arrived. The Ottoman government also prevented the deportees from supplying themselves. The Ottoman troops escorting the Armenians not only allowed others to rob, kill and rape the Armenians, but often participated in these activities themselves. In any event, the foreseeable consequence of the government's decision to move the Armenians was a significant number of deaths.

It is believed that twenty-five major concentration camps existed, under the command of Şükrü Kaya, one of the right hands of Talat Pasha.[20]

Major concentration camps The bodies of dead Armenians lie in a grove of trees in eastern Ottoman Empire, 1915. The remaining bones of the Armenians of Erzinjan.

Deir ez-Zor 35°17′N 40°10′E Ras al-Ain Bonzanti 37°25′N 34°52′E Mamoura Intili, Islahiye, Radjo, Katma, Karlik, Azaz, Akhterim, Mounboudji, Bab, Tefridje, Lale, Meskene, Sebil, Dipsi, Abouharar, Hamam, Sebka, Marat, Souvar, Hama, Homs Kahdem

The majority of the camps were situated near what are now the Iraqi and Syrian frontiers, and some were only temporary transit camps.[20] Others are said to have been used only as temporary mass burial zones—such as Radjo, Katma, and Azaz—that were closed in Fall 1915.[20] Some authors also maintain that the camps Lale, Tefridje, Dipsi, Del-El, and Ra's al-'Ain were built specifically for those who had a life expectancy of a few days.[20] As with Jewish kapos in the concentration camps, the majority of the guards inside the camps were Armenians.[20]

Even though nearly all the camps, including all the major ones, were open air, the rest of the mass killings in other minor camps was not limited to direct killings, but also to mass burning,[21] poisoning[22] and drowning.[23]

Results of deportations The Ottoman government ordered the evacuation or deportation of many Armenians living in Anatolia, Syria, and Mesopotamia.

Foreign corroboration Despite Turkish contentions to the contrary, hundreds of eyewitnesses, including the neutral United States and the Ottoman Empire's own allies, Germany and Austria-Hungary, recorded and documented numerous acts of state-sponsored massacres, adding further weight to the Genocide argument. Many foreign officials offered to intervene on behalf of the Armenians including one by Pope Benedict XV only to be turned away by Turkish government officials who claimed they "retaliating against a pro-Russian fifth column[24]

The US mission in Ottoman Empire Further information: Van Resistance Throughout the Ottoman Empire the United States had established consulates in Edirne, Elazığ, Samsun, İzmir, Trabzon, Van, as well as one in the Syrian town of Aleppo. The State Department mission at the time was headed by ambassador Henry Morgenthau Sr. in Constantinople. The United States was an officially neutral party in the war until it joined the side of the Allies in 1917. As the order for deportations and massacres were enacted, many consular officials reported back to the ambassador on what they were witnessing. One such documentation came in September 1915 by the American consul in Kharput, Leslie A. Davis who described his discovery of the bodies of nearly 10,000 Armenians dumped into several ravines near Lake Göeljuk, later referring to it as the "slaughterhouse province"[25]

A telegram sent by Ambassador Henry Morgenthau Sr. to the State Department on July 16, 1915 describes the massacres as a "campaign of race extermination." The United States contributed a significant amount of aid to the Armenians during the Armenian Genocide. Shown here is a poster for the American Committee for Relief in the Near East vowing that they (the Armenians) "shall not perish." An article by the New York Times dated December 15, 1915 states that nearly one million Armenians had deliberately been put to death by the Ottoman government. Workers of the American Committee for Relief in the Near East in Sivas.Similar reports soon began to arrive to Morgenthau from Aleppo and Van (Van Resistance) to which he finally began holding occasional meetings with Talaat and Enver. As he courted them on the testimonies of the consulate officials, both justified the deportations as necessary to the wars cause by pointing out to the alleged armed Armenian revolution for the (Van Resistance} and elsewhere along the Russian front. Morgenthau would however contest their explanations in his memoirs as excuses conjured up by the CUP leaders.[26]

In addition to the consulates, there were also several Protestant missionary compounds established in Armenian-populated regions, including Van and Kharput. Many of the head missionaries vividly described the brutal methods used by Turkish forces and documented numerous accounts of atrocities committed by them.[27]

Newspapers and literary journals in the United States and around the world, including the New York Times (which ran 145 articles in 1915 alone), The Nation, the Halifax Herald, and The Independent, printed hundreds of articles both during and after the war, describing the deportations as state-enacted genocide.[28] Numerous American figures also spoke out against the Genocide including former president Theodore Roosevelt, rabbi Stephen Wise, William Jennings Bryan, and Alice Stone Blackwell. The American Near East Relief Committee, a relief organization for refugees in the Middle East helped donate over $102 million to Armenians both during and after the war.[29]

Allied forces in the Middle East In addition to the Gallipoli campaign, on the Middle Eastern front, the British military was preoccupied in fighting against Ottoman forces in southern Syria and Mesopotamia. Throughout the fighting, the British also documented and essentially confirmed what was being reported by the American consuls and missionaries. British diplomat and later "Oriental Secretary" of Baghdad, Gertrude Bell filed the following report after hearing the account of a captured Ottoman soldier:

“ The battalion left Aleppo on 3 February and reached Ras al-Ain in twelve hours....some 12,000 Armenians were concentrated under the guardianship of some hundred Kurds...These Kurds were called gendarmes, but in reality mere butchers; bands of them were publicly ordered to take parties of Armenians, of both sexes, to various destinations, but had secret instructions to destroy the males, children and old women...One of these gendarmes confessed to killing 100 Armenian men himself...the empty desert cisterns and caves were also filled with corpses....No man can ever think of a woman's body except as a matter of horror, instead of attraction, after Ras al-Ain.[30] ”

Reacting to the numerous eyewitness accounts, British politician Viscount James Bryce, and historian Arnold J. Toynbee compiled statements from survivors and eyewitnesses from other countries including Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland who similarly attested to the deliberate massacres of innocent Armenians by Ottoman government forces. In 1916, they published The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916. Although the book has since been criticized as British war-time propaganda to build up sentiment against the Central Powers, Bryce had submitted the work to scholars for verification prior to its publication. University of Oxford Regius Professor Gilbert Murray stated of the tome, "I realize that in times of persecution passions run high...But the evidence of these letters and reports will bear any scrutiny and overpower any skepticism. Their genuineness is established beyond question."[31] Other professors including Herbert Fisher of Sheffield University and Moorfield Storey, the former president of the American Bar Association, affirmed the same conclusion.[32]

First Lord of the Admiralty, and later prime minister of Great Britain, Winston Churchill described in his multivolume work on the war, The World Crisis, 1911-1918, the massacres as an "administrative holocaust" and noted that "the clearance of race from Asia Minor was about as complete as such an act could be...There is no reason to doubt that that this crime was planned and executed for political reasons. The opportunity presented itself for clearing Turkish soil of a Christian race opposed to all Turkish ambitions."[33]

The joint Austrian and German mission As allies during the war, the Imperial German mission in the Ottoman Empire included both military and civilian components. While experienced staff officers were sent to train and assist the Ottoman military in fending off the offensives launched by the combined British, French and ANZAC forces at Gallipoli and in Syria, Germany had also brokered a deal with the Sublime Porte to commission the building of a railroad stretching from Berlin to the Middle East called the Baghdad Railway.

Among the most famous persons to document the massacres was a German military medic in von der Goltz' detachment and second lieutenant by the name of Armin T. Wegner. Due to the strict censorship imposed by both Germany and the Ottoman Empire at the time, Wegner's desire to take photographs of the massacres was overruled by his superiors. Nevertheless, Wegner disobeyed those orders and took hundreds of photographs of Armenians being deported and being held in the camps in northern Syria and later smuggled them out of the country.[34]

German engineers and workers who were involved in building the railway also witnessed seeing Armenians being crammed into cattle cars — up to ninety in each car — and shipped along the railroad line. Franz Gunther, a representative for German based Deutsche Bank which was funding the construction of the Baghdad Railway, forwarded photographs to his directors and expressed his frustration over keeping silent while witnessing such things. Gunther described the train system used by the Ottoman government as another example of its "bestial cruelty".[35] This process was noted by German historian Hilmar Kaiser as the first time "'railway transport of civilian populations' [was used] as part of a plan of race 'extermination'."[36] Major General Otto von Lossow, the acting military attaché and head of the German Military Plenipotentiary in Ottoman Empire attested in a conference held in Batum in 1918 to the intentions of the Ottoman government:

“ The Turks have embarked upon the "total extermination of the Armenians in Transcaucasia...The aim of Turkish policy is, as I have reiterated, the taking of possession of Armenian districts and the extermination of the Armenians. Talaat's government wants to destroy all Armenians, not just in Turkey but also outside Turkey. On the basis of all the reports and news coming to me here in Tiflis there hardly can be any doubt that the Turks systematically are aiming at the extermination of the few hundred thousand Armenians whom they left alive until now.[37] ”

Similarly, Major General Kress von Kressenstein noted that "The Turkish policy of causing starvation is an all too obvious proof...for the Turkish resolve to destroy the Armenians."[38] Another notable figure in the German military camp was Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter. Scheubner-Richter, who was serving as a vice-consul in the provinces of Erzerum and Bitlis, documented the numerous massacres by Turkish forces against Armenians in the regions and wrote a total of fifteen reports regarding "deportations and mass killings" to Germany's chancellor in Berlin. He noted in his final report that less than 100,000 Armenians were left alive in the Ottoman Empire; the rest had otherwise been exterminated (in German, ausgerottet).[39] Scheubner-Richter also detailed the methods used by the Ottoman government including its use of the Special Organization and other organised criminal groups.

In a genocide conference in 2001, professor Wolfgang Wipperman of Berlin's Free University introduced documents that showed numerous officers in the Germany's military High Command were aware of the mass killings but instead chose not to interfere nor condemn the Ottoman government.[40]

Germany's diplomatic mission was lead by Ambassador Count Paul von Wolff-Metternich. Like Morgenthau, Wolff-Metternich also began to receive tracts from consul officials in Ottoman Empire. From the province of Adana, Eugene Buge reported that the CUP chief had sworn to kill and massacre any Armenians who survived the deportation marches.[41] Wolff-Metternich himself stated, "The Committee [CUP] demands the extirpation of the last remnants of the Armenians and the government must yield....A Committee representative is assigned to each of the provincial administrations....Turkification means license to expel, to kill or destroy everything that is not Turkish."[42]

The Russian military The Russian Empire's response to the bombardment of its Black Sea naval ports was primarily a land campaign through the Caucasus. Early victories against the Ottoman Empire from the winter of 1914 to the spring 1915 saw significant gains of territory, including relieving the Armenian bastion resisting in the city of Van in May 1915. The Russians also recorded encountering the bodies of Armenians in the areas they advanced through. In March 1916, the scenes they saw in the city of Erzerum led the Russians to retaliate against the Turkish IIIrd Army whom they held responsible for the massacres, destroying it in its entirety.[43]

Armenian civilians, forced out of their homes, while being deported. 1919-1920 Military tribunals Main article: Executors of the Armenian Genocide

Domestic courts-martial Domestic court-martials began on 23 November 1918. These courts were designed by the Sultan Mehmed VI, who blamed the Committee of Union and Progress for the destruction of the empire through pushing it into World War I. The Armenian issue was used as a tool in these courts to punish the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress. Most of the documents generated in these courts later moved to international trials. By January 1919, a report to Sultan Mehmed VI accused over 130 suspects, most of them were high officials. Mehmed Talat Pasha and Enver had left Istanbul, before 1919, on the fact that Sultan Mehmed VI would not accept any verdict that does not include their life. The term Three Pashas generally refers to this prominent triumvirate that pushed the Ottomans into World War I.

The court-martials officially disbanded the Committee of Union and Progress, which had actively ruled the Ottoman Empire for ten years. All the assets of the organization were transferred to the treasury, and the assets of the people who were found guilty moved to "teceddüt firkasi". According to verdicts handed down by the court, all members except for the Three Pashas were transferred to jails in Bekiraga, then moved to Malta. The Three Pashas were found guilty in absentia. The court-martials blamed the members of Ittihat Terakki for pursuing a war that did not fit into the notion of Millet.

International trials On 24 May 1915 the Triple Entente warned the Ottoman Empire that "In the view of these...crimes of Turkey against humanity and civilization ... the Allied governments announce publicly.. that they will hold personally responsible... all members of the Ottoman government and those of their agents who are implicated in such massacres.[4]"

Article 230 of the Treaty of Sèvres required the Ottoman Empire, "to hand over to the Allied Powers the persons whose surrender may be required by the latter as being responsible for the massacres committed during the continuance of the state of war on territory which formed part of the Ottoman Empire on August 1, 1914."

At the Military Trials in Istanbul in 1919 many of those responsible for the genocide were sentenced to death in absentia, after having escaped trial in 1918. It is believed that the accused succeeded in destroying the majority of the documents that could be used as evidence against them before they escaped. Admiral Calthorpe, the British High Commissioner, described the destruction of documents: "Just before the Armistice, officials had been going to the archives department at night and making a clean sweep of most of the documents." Aydemir, S.S., on the other hand, writes in his "Makedonyadan Ortaasyaya Enver Pasa.":

“ Before the flight of the top CUP leaders, Talat Pasa stopped by at the waterfront residence of one of his friends on the shore of Arnavudköy, depositing there a suitcase of documents. It is said that the documents were burned in the basement's furnace. Indeed ... the documents and other papers of the CUP's Central Committee are nowhere to be found. ”

The military court established the will of the CUP to eliminate the Armenians physically, via its special organization. The Court Martial, Istanbul, 1919 pronounced sentences as follows:

“ The Court Martial taking into consideration the above-named crimes declares, unanimously, the culpability as principal factors of these crimes the fugitives Talat Pasha, former Grand Vizir, Enver Efendi, former War Minister, struck off the register of the Imperial Army, Cemal Efendi, former Navy Minister, struck off too from the Imperial Army, and Dr. Nazim Efendi, former Minister of Education, members of the General Council of the Union & Progress, representing the moral person of that party;... the Court Martial pronounces, in accordance with said stipulations of the Law the death penalty against Talat, Enver, Cemal, and Dr. Nazim. ”

Casualties, 1914 to 1918 Main article: Ottoman Armenian casualties

Targets of movements from Ottoman ArchivesWhile there is no clear consensus on how many Armenians lost their lives during what is called the Armenian genocide, there is general agreement among Western scholars that over a million Armenians may have perished between 1914 and 1918. Estimates vary between 300,000 (the Turkish claim) and 1.5 million (the Armenian claim), while Encyclopædia Britannica makes special reference to the research conducted by Arnold J. Toynbee who was appointed by the British Foreign Office to investigate the forced deportation of the Armenians and the related casualties, who estimated a death toll of around 600,000 to 800,000; which formed the basis of the Allies' charges against the Ottoman government at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 that up to 800,000 Armenians were killed during the war.

Influence on the Jewish Holocaust Main article: Armenian quote The lack of a public prosecution of the organizers behind Armenian Genocide by the Allied powers was said to have largely influenced Nazi Germany's fascist leader Adolf Hitler. Among the most closest advisers and friends to the future German dictator was Scheubner-Richter, the vice-consul from Erzerum. In the aftermath of the war, Hitler and Scheubner-Richter sought to blame many of the ailing troubles Germany was suffering against the central government and Jews. Scheubner-Richter called for a "ruthless and relentless" attempt to "cleanse" the Jews out of the country. In 1923, when Hitler and his followers in the Nazi Party failed to seize power in a Munich beer hall, Scheubner-Richter was shot and killed by the police.

The extent of Hitler's knowledge of the Armenian Genocide is unclear, but he referred to their destruction several times. He first addressed their plight in 1924 and referred to them as "cowards".[44] The most notable quote attributed to Hitler on the Armenians was in a August 1939 conference with German military commanders prior to the invasion of Poland:

“ Our strength consists in our speed and in our brutality. Genghis Khan led millions of women and children to slaughter -- with premeditation and a happy heart. History sees in him solely the founder of a state. It’s a matter of indifference to me what a weak western European civilisation will say about me. I have issued the command -- and I’ll have anybody who utters but one word of criticism executed by a firing squad -- that our war aim does not consist in reaching certain lines, but in the physical destruction of the enemy. Accordingly, I have placed my death-head formation in readiness -- for the present only in the East -- with orders to them to send to death mercilessly and without compassion, men, women, and children of Polish derivation and language. Only thus shall we gain the living space [Lebensraum] which we need. Who, after all, speaks to-day of the annihilation of the Armenians?[45] ”

This quote has been fiercely contended by Turkish scholars and historians who claim that the quotation is a fabrication and does not in fact exist.[46] However, numerous accounts of Hitler speaking in regards to the Armenians exist and at least two similar versions of the 1939 speech were found in the German High Command archives. In 1931, for example, two years prior to his ascension as Germany's leader, Hitler gave an interview to a German newspaper editor, saying "everywhere people are awaiting a new world order. We intend to introduce a great resettlement policy...remember the extermination of the Armenians."[47] In 1943, during the height of his attempts to exterminate the Jews in Europe, Hitler demanded from the Hungarian regent Admiral Miklós Horthy to deport them from the country. After chastising Horthy in a bitter speech, he ended by saying "Nations which did not get rid of the Jews perished. One of the most famous examples of this was the downfall of a people who were so proud--the Persians, who now lead a pitiful existence as Armenians."[48]

The positions of Turkish people See also: Denial of the Armenian Genocide

Views of Turkish academic community and intellectuals Almost all Turkish intellectuals, scientists and historians accept that many Armenians died during the conflict, but they do not necessarily consider these events to be genocide.

Some Turkish intellectuals support the genocide thesis despite opposition from Turkish nationalists; these include Ragıp Zarakolu, Ali Ertem, Taner Akçam, Halil Berktay, Yektan Türkyilmaz. Fatma Müge Göcek, Dr. Fikret Adanır, and Seyla Benhabib. In 2004, five hundred Turkish intellectuals protested a new high-school history curriculum which ordered teachers to denounce to students "the unfounded allegations" of the Armenians.

The position of the Turkish government The Republic of Turkey does not accept that the deaths of Armenians during the "relocation" or "deportation" were the results of an intention of Ottoman authorities (or those in charge during the war) to eliminate in whole or in part the Armenian people indiscriminately. Public prosecutors have made recourse to Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code that prohibits "insulting Turkishness" against some Turkish intellectuals who implied that the events did indeed constitute a genocide; but Turkish courts have acquitted the prosecutors in all of the cases[citation needed]. The Turkish government has frequently protested against recognition of the genocide by other countries.

In March 2005, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan invited Turkish, Armenian and international historians to form a Commission to establish the events of 1915. In April 2005 Armenian president Robert Kocharyan responded to Turkish Prime Minister's offer by sending a letter to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and in the letter telling "suggestion to address the past cannot be effective if it deflects from addressing the present and the future. In order to engage in a useful dialog, we need to create the appropriate and conducive political environment. It is the responsibility of governments to develop bilateral relations and we do not have the right to delegate that responsibility to historians. That is why we have proposed and propose again that, without pre-conditions, we establish normal relations between our two countries.” In that context, President Kocharian said, “an intergovernmental commission can meet to discuss any and all outstanding issues between our two nations, with the aim of resolving them and coming to an understanding.”

In 1994, Turkish authors Ayşe Nur Zarakolu, Ragıp Zarakolu and Emirhan Oğuz were prosecuted for translating a French text, "The Armenians: story of a genocide", which had been banned in Turkey.[citation needed]

Hrant Dink Hrant Dink, a Turkish citizen of Armenian origin, was the chief editor of the Agos newspaper. Dink was often critical of both Turkey's denial of the Armenian genocide, and of the Armenian diaspora's campaign for its international recognition. However, his criticism of Turkey gained much more attention, and as a result, he became hate figure for Turkish ultra-nationalists.[49] Dink was prosecuted three times for insulting Turkishness.[50][51] He was acquitted the first time, but the second time, his misinterpreted statement, "replace the poisoned blood associated with the Turk, with fresh blood associated with Armenia"[52] resulted in a six-month suspended sentence.[53]

Hrant Dink was assassinated in Istanbul on January 19, 2007, allegedly by Ogün Samast, an ultra-nationalist Turk.

Orhan Pamuk During a February 2005 interview with Das Magazin, novelist Orhan Pamuk made statements implicating Turkey in massacres against Armenians and persecution of the Kurds, declaring: "Thirty thousand Kurds and a million Armenians were killed in these lands and nobody but me dares to talk about it". Subjected to a hate campaign, he left Turkey, before returning in 2005 in order to defend his right to freedom of speech: "What happened to the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 was a major thing that was hidden from the Turkish nation; it was a taboo. But we have to be able to talk about the past".[54] Lawyers of two Turkish ultra-nationalist professional associations then brought criminal charges against Pamuk.[55] On January 23, 2006, however, the charges of "insulting Turkishness" were dropped (because of formal reasons without finding it necessary to judge on the essence of the case), a move welcomed by the EU — that they had been brought at all was still a matter of contention for European politicians.

Academic views on the issue outside Turkey

Recognition of Genocide There is a general agreement among Western historians that the events described above constitute genocide. The International Association of Genocide Scholars (the major body of scholars who study genocide in North America and Europe), for instance, formally recognize the event and consider it to be undeniable. Some consider denial to be a form of hate speech or/and historical revisionism.

Denial Main article: Denial of the Armenian Genocide A number of Western academics in the field of Ottoman history, including Bernard Lewis (Princeton University), Heath Lowry (Princeton University), Justin McCarthy (University of Louisville), Gilles Veinstein (Collège de France),[56] Stanford J. Shaw (UCLA), J.C. Hurewitz (Columbia University), Guenter Lewy (University of Massachusetts), Roderic Davison (Central European University), Jeremy Salt (University of Melbourne),[57] Malcolm Yapp (University of London)[58], Rhoads Murphey (University of Birmingham) and Edward J. Erickson (retired U.S. Army officer)[59] have expressed doubts as to the genocidal character of the events. They offer the opinion that the weight of evidence instead points to serious inter-communal warfare, perpetrated by both Muslim and Christian irregular forces, aggravated by disease and famine, as the causes of suffering and massacres in Anatolia and adjoining areas during the First World War. They acknowledge that the resulting death toll among the Armenian communities of the region was immense, but claim that much more remains to be discovered before historians will be able to sort out precisely responsibility between warring and innocent, and to identify the causes for the events which resulted in the death or removal of large numbers in eastern Anatolia.

On May 19, 1985, a total of 63 scholars from various American universities sent a letter to the U.S. House of Representatives opposing the House Joint Resolution 192 which defines the events of 1915 as genocide.

The position of the international community See also: Post-Armenian Genocide timeline Although there has been much academic recognition of the Armenian Genocide, this has not always been followed by governments and media. Many governments, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Israel, Ukraine, and Georgia, do not officially use the word genocide to describe these events. Although there is no federal recognition of the Armenian Genocide, 39 of the 50 U.S. states recognize the events of 1915 to 1917 as genocide.[60]

In recent years, parliaments of a number of countries where Armenian diaspora has a strong presence have officially recognized the event as genocide. Two recent examples are France and Switzerland. Turkish entry talks with the European Union were met with a number of calls to consider the event as genocide, though it never became a precondition.

The French lower house decided on October 12, 2006 to make it illegal to deny the Armenian genocide.[61] The bill has yet to be ratified by the French Senate in order to become law. As expected, it has provoked intense negative media reactions in Turkey.[citation needed] Orhan Pamuk, Hrant Dink, French President Jacques Chirac and Daniel Fried, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs, expressed their concerns about the new law.[62][63]

Political map showing countries, US states, and UK Constitute countries which have officially recognized the Armenian Genocide.Countries officially recognizing the Armenian Genocide include Argentina, Armenia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Lebanon, Lithuania, The Netherlands, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, Uruguay, Vatican City and Venezuela. Although part of the United Kingdom, Wales also officially recognizes the Armenian Genocide. The Parliament of the State of New South Wales, Australia passed a resolution acknowledging and condemning the Armenian Genocide in 1997.[citation needed]

Genocide memorial in Lebanon.Many newspapers for a long time would not use the word genocide without disclaimers such as "alleged" and many continue to do so. A number of those policies have now been reversed so that even casting doubt on the term is against editorial policy, as is the case with the New York Times.

In September 2004, President Mohammad Khatami of Iran visited the Armenian Genocide Memorial at Tsitsernakaberd in Yerevan.[64]

On June 15, 2005, the German Bundestag passed a resolution that "honors and commemorates the victims of violence, murder and expulsion among the Armenian people before and during the First World War". The German resolution mentions that "many independent historians, parliaments and international organizations describe the expulsion and annihilation of the Armenians as genocide", but stops short of doing so itself. It also contains an apology for any German responsibility.[65]

On 12 April 2006, some members of the French parliament submitted a bill to create a law that would punish any person denying the existence of the Armenian genocide with up to 5 years of imprisonment and a fine of €45,000. The proposition was originally set to be debated on 18 May 2006, but debates were postponed until 12 October 2006.[66] Despite Turkish protests, the French National Assembly (Lower House of Parliament) adopted a bill making it a crime to deny that Armenians suffered genocide in 1915 at the hands of the Ottoman Turks and overwhelmingly passed in the National Assembly.[67] The bill has been criticized by Turks as an attempt to garner votes amongst the 500,000 people of Armenian descent in the 2007 presidential elections.[68] As of 12 October 2006, the bill still needs the approval of the French Senate and possibly a validation by the French Constitutional Council to become law.

On 10th May 2006, the Bulgarian Government rejected a bill on recognition of the Armenian Genocide.[69] This came after Emel Etem Toşkova, the Deputy Prime Minister of Bulgaria and one of the leaders of the MRF, the main Turkish party in Bulgaria, declared that her party would walk out of the coalition government if the bill was passed. The bill itself was brought forward by the nationalist Ataka party.

International bodies that recognize the Armenian genocide include the European Parliament, the Council of Europe, the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities,[70] the International Center for Transitional Justice, based on a report prepared for TARC, the International Association of Genocide Scholars,[71] the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, the World Council of Churches, the self-declared unofficial Parliament of Kurdistan in Exile,[72] and the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal.

On 4 September 2006, Members of the European Parliament voted for the inclusion of a clause prompting Turkey "to recognize the Armenian genocide as a condition for its EU accession" in a highly critical report, which was adopted by a broad majority in the foreign relations committee of the Strasbourg Parliament.[73] This requirement was later dropped on 27 September 2006 by the general assembly of the European Parliament by 429 votes in favor to 71 against, with 125 abstentions.[74]

On September 26, 2006, the two largest political parties in the Netherlands, Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) and the Labour Party (PvdA), removed three Turkish-Dutch candidates for the 2006 general election, because they either denied or refused to publicly declare that the Armenian Genocide had happened. The magazine HP/De Tijd reported that the number 2 of the PvdA list of candidates, Nebahat Albayrak (who was born in Turkey and is of Turkish descent) had acknowledged that the term "genocide" was appropriate to describe the events. Albayrak denied having said this and accused the press of putting words in her mouth, saying that "I'm not a politician that will trample my identity. I've always defended the same views everywhere with regard to the 'genocide'".[75] It was reported that a large section of the Turkish minority were considering boycotting the elections.[citation needed] Netherlands' Turkish minority numbers 365,000 people, out of which 235,000 are eligible to vote.

On November 29, 2006, the lower house of Argentina's parliament adopted a resolution recognizing the Armenian Genocide. The bill was overwhelmingly adopted by the assembly and declared April 24th, the international day of remembrance for the Armenian genocide as an official "day of mutual tolerance and respect" among peoples around the world.

On July 17, 2006, the Brazilian state of Ceará became the second state after São Paulo to ratify a bill recognizing the Armenian Genocide.

On March 8, 2007, Turkish nationalist Doğu Perinçek became the first person convicted by a court of law for denying the Armenian Genocide, found guilty by a Swiss district court in Lausanne. Perinçek appealed the verdict.[76]

Impact on culture

Memorial

Genocide memorial at the Tsitsernakaberd hill, Yerevan.The idea for the memorial came in 1965, at the commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the genocide. A 24 hour mass protest (the first such demonstration in the USSR) was initiated in Yerevan, Armenian SSR, to demand recognition of the Armenian Genocide by Soviet authorities. Two years later the memorial (by architects Kalashian and Mkrtchyan) was completed at the Tsitsernakaberd hill above the Hrazdan gorge in Yerevan. The 44 metre stele symbolizes the national rebirth of Armenians. 12 slabs are positioned in a circle, representing 12 lost provinces in present day Turkey. In the centre of the circle, in depth of 1.5 metres, there is an eternal flame. Along the park at the memorial there is a 100 metre wall with names of towns and villages where massacres are known to have taken place. In 1995 a small underground circular museum was opened at the other end of the park where one can learn basic information about the events in 1915. Some photos taken by German photographers (Turkish allies during World War I) including photos taken by Armin T. Wegner and some publications about the genocide are also displayed. Near the museum is a spot where foreign statesmen plant trees in memory of the genocide.

Each April 24th (Armenian Genocide Commemoration Holiday) hundreds of thousands of people walk to the genocide monument and lay flowers (usually red carnations or tulips) around the eternal flame. Armenians around the world mark the genocide in different ways, and many memorials have been built in Armenian Diaspora communities.

Edward Saint-Ivan's story DeJa Vu that appears in his anthology "The Black Knight's God" includes a fictional survivor of Armenian genocide.

Art The well-known band System of a Down, four musicians all of whom are desendants of Armenian Genocide survivors but living in California, frequently promote awareness of the Armenian Genocide. Every year (except 2006), the band puts on a Souls concert tour in support of the cause. The band wrote the song "P.L.U.C.K. (Politically Lying, Unholy, Cowardly Killers)" about this genocide in their eponymous debut album. The booklet reads: "System of a Down would like to dedicate this song to the memory of the 1.5 million victims of the Armenian Genocide, perpetrated by the Turkish Government in 1915." "Holy Mountains" (Hypnotize), is also believed to be about the Armenian genocide.

The American hardcore band Integrity wrote a song about the Armenian Genocide called Armenian Persecution which was included in their 1995 album Systems Overload.

American composer and singer Daniel Decker has achieved critical acclaim for his collaborations with Armenian composer Ara Gevorgian. The song "Adana", named after the city where one of the first massacres of the Armenian people took place, tells the story of the Armenian Genocide. Decker wrote the song's lyrics to complement the music of Ara Gevorgian. Cross Rhythms, Europe's leading religious magazine and web portal said of "Adana", "seldom has a disaster of untold suffering produced such a magnificent piece of art." He was officially invited by the Armenian government to sing "Adana" at a special concert in Yerevan, Armenia on April 24 2005 to commemorate the 90th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. To date, "Adana" has been translated into 17 languages and recorded by singers around the world.

Armenian-American keyboardist Derek Sherinian collaborated with duduk master Djivan Gasparyan on the song "Prelude To Battle", which Sherinian "dedicated to his great grandmother who fought the Turks in the Armenian genocide" as part of his 2006 album "Blood of the Snake".

The topic of the Armenian Genocide is also occurring in film and literature. In 1919 a Hollywood movie called Ravished Armenia was produced based on a book written by a survivor, Aurora Mardiganian. It is a major theme of Atom Egoyan's film Ararat (2002). There are also references in Elia Kazan's America, America or Henri Verneuil's Mayrig. Known Italian directors, Vittorio and Paolo Taviani, are planning to make another Genocide film based on a book called La Masseria Delle Allodole (The Farm of the Larks), by Antonia Arslan.

In literature, the most famous piece concerning the Armenian Genocide is Franz Werfel's The Forty Days of Musa Dagh, published in 1933 and subsequently marked as "undesirable" by German (Nazi) authorities. The book became a bestseller and the Hollywood studio MGM wanted to make The Forty Days of Musa Dagh as a film, but this attempt was successfully foiled by Turkey (twice). The film was finally made independently in 1982, but its artistic value is questionable. Kurt Vonnegut wrote the 1988 fictional book Bluebeard, in which the Armenian Genocide was a major theme. Louis de Berniéres uses the time and place of the Armenian Genocide as a background in his novel Birds without Wings, which is considered by some as rather pro-Turkish. Another book using the Armenian Genocide topic is Edgar Hilsenrath's The Story of the Last Thought (Das Märchen vom letzten Gedanken), published in 1989. The first novel to mention Armenian Genocide is Polish writer Stefan Żeromski's Before the Spring, published in 1925.

There is also a play by Richard Kalinoski, Beast on the Moon, about two Armenian Genocide survivors.